环秀通济田横岛即墨/做产前检查哪家医院最好的国际热点即墨/市市南医院看妇科好不好

即墨/当代妇科医院挂号预约青岛市即墨/做流产多少钱Love of liberty means the guarding of every resource that makes freedom possible热爱自由则意味着保卫一切使自由得以实现的资源from the sanctity of our families and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our scientists.从我们神圣的家庭、国土上的财富到科学家们的天才。And so each citizen plays an indispensable role.因此，每个公民所发挥的作用都是不可或缺的。The productivity of our heads, our hands, and our hearts is the source of all the strength we can command,我们的头脑、双手和心灵的创造力，for both the enrichment of our lives and the winning of the peace.乃是我们用来丰富我们的生活和赢得和平的全部力量的源泉。No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call.所有个人、家庭和社会群体都要听从这一召唤。We are summoned to act in wisdom and in conscience, to work with industry,我们响应号召，要秉承智慧和良知行事，勤勉工作，to teach with persuasion, to preach with conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and with compassion.谆谆诲人，虔诚传道，仔细认真而富于同情地权衡我们的每一行为。For this truth must be clear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the world must first come to pass in the heart of America.因为我们必须认清一个真理：对美国来说，凡所欲求于人者，必先求诸己。The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the practice and fulfillment of our whole faith among ourselves and in our dealings with others.因此，我们所寻求的和平，不过是在我们中间和在我们与他人的交往中践行和实现我们的全部信念。This signifies more than the stilling of guns, easing the sorrow of war.这并不仅仅意味着铸剑为锄和抚慰战争创伤，More than escape from death, it is a way of life. More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for the brave.不仅仅意味着避免死亡，而是一种生活方式；这也不仅仅是疲惫者的安息所，而是勇敢者的希望。This is the hope that beckons us onward in this century of trial.这是一个召唤我们在这个充满考验的世纪里阔步向前的希望，这是一项有待于我们大家的工作。This is the work that awaits us all, to be done with bravery, with charity, and with prayer to Almighty God.让我们英勇无畏和满怀仁爱，带着对全能上帝的祈祷去完成这一使命吧！02/437510即墨/妇科哪个医院看的好 THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This is an historic time for our Nation's economy. Last week, we learned that September was America's 49th consecutive month of job creation -- the longest uninterrupted period of job growth on record. And on Thursday, we learned that the American economy set a new record for exports in a single month. Millions of American jobs depend on exports. More exports support better and higher-paying jobs -- and to keep our economy expanding, we need to keep expanding trade. This week, I traveled to Miami to discuss the importance of trade and to call on Congress to pass new free trade agreements. In January of 2001, America had trade agreements in force with three countries. Now we have agreements in force with 14 countries, including seven in Latin America. And Congress now has an opportunity to increase America's access to markets in our hemisphere by passing three more free trade agreements in Latin America with Peru, Colombia, and Panama. These three agreements will expand America's access to 75 million customers. These 75 million customers are the equivalent of the populations of California, Colorado, Ohio, Michigan, Tennessee, and Massachusetts combined. The first of the new Latin American trade agreements that my Administration negotiated is with Peru. This agreement would level the playing field for American businesses and workers and farmers. While almost all Peruvian exports to the ed States now enter duty-free, most American exports to Peru face significant tariffs. The free trade agreement would immediately eliminate most of Peru's industrial tariffs, as well as many of its barriers to U.S. agriculture exports, and make American products more affordable and more competitive in that country. The second of the new Latin American trade agreements that my Administration negotiated is with Colombia. Colombia is now our fifth largest trading partner in Latin America and the largest market for U.S. agricultural exports in South America. The free trade agreement with Colombia would immediately eliminate tariffs on more than 80 percent of American industrial and consumer exports. It would provide significant new duty-free access for American crops. And for the first time in history, U.S. companies would be able to compete on a level playing field. The third of the new Latin American trade agreements that my Administration negotiated is with Panama. This agreement will immediately eliminate tariffs on 88 percent of our industrial and consumer goods exports to Panama. It will increase access for American farmers and ranchers. And it will open opportunities for American businesses to participate in the multi-billion dollar project to expand the Panama Canal. As we work to pass these trade agreements with nations in Latin America, we'll also work to pass a landmark free trade agreement with an ally in the Far East -- South Korea. This agreement would open up one of the world's most powerful economies to more American goods and services exports. This agreement is projected to add more than billion to America's economy. And like our agreements in Latin America, this agreement would strengthen our relationship with a democratic partner in a critical part of the world. I know many Americans feel uneasy about new competition and worry that trade will cost jobs. So the Federal government is providing substantial funding for trade adjustment assistance that helps Americans make the transition from one job to the next. We are working to improve Federal job-training programs. And we are providing strong support for America's community colleges, where people of any age can go to learn new skills for a better, high-paying career. Expanding trade will help our economy grow. By passing these trade agreements, we will also serve America's security and moral interests. We will strengthen our ties with our friends. We will help counter the false populism promoted by hostile nations. And we will help young democracies show their people that freedom, openness, and the rule of law are the surest path to a better life. So I call on Congress to act quickly and get these agreements to my desk. Thank you for listening. 200801/23814Martin Luther King, Jr.Beyond Vietnam --A Time to Break Silencedelivered 4 April 1967 at a meeting of Clergy and Laity Concerned at Riverside Church in New York CityMr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, I need not pause to say how verydelighted I am to be here tonight, and how very delighted I am to see youexpressing your concern about the issues that will be discussed tonight byhttp://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkatimetobreaksilence.htm 2008-1-8American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 2 of 13turning out in such large numbers. I also want to say that I consider it a greathonor to share this program with Dr. Bennett, Dr. Commager, and RabbiKnow hHeschel, some of the distinguished leaders and personalities of our nation. AndLord coof course itrsquo;s always good to come back to Riverside Church. Over the lastThe Loeight years, I have had the privilege of preaching here almost every year into Chinthat period, and it is always a rich and rewarding experience to come to thisJudgmegreat church and this great pulpit. I come to this magnificent house of worshipbegun attonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in thishouse meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of theendtimeworganization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concernedabout Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are thesentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I its Iraq Caopening lines: ;A time comes when silence is betrayal.; And that time has Vigilscome for us in relation to Vietnam. Help StSenseleThe truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us amp; Makeis a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men Presenwww.Sando not easily assume the task of opposing their governments policy, especiallyin time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty againstall the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in thesurrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as Vietnamthey often do in the case of this dful conflict, we are always on the verge Collectof being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on. Pick YoMemorMilitaryAnd some of us who have aly begun to break the silence of the night haveBid Todfound that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we mustwww.aucspeak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limitedvision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is thefirst time in our nations history that a significant number of its religiousVietnamleaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism tospeciathe high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience andacceptsthe ing of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let usong ontrace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to itsUSA. Tguidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that,000seems so close around us.www.SCGOver the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my ownsilences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called forradical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons havequestioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns thisquery has often loomed large and loud: ;Why are you speaking about the war,Dr. King?; ;Why are you joining the voices of dissent?; ;Peace and civil rightsdont mix,; they say. ;Arent you hurting the cause of your people,; they ask?And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, Iam nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirershave not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, theirquestions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance totry to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path fromDexter Avenue Baptist Church --the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where Ibegan my pastorate --leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my belovednation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National LiberationFront. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlookthe ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to thetragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or theAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 3 of 13National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they mustplay in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may havejustifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the ed States, lifeand history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolvedwithout trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National LiberationFront, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear thegreatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price onboth continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have sevenmajor reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There isat the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war inVietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A fewyears ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if therewas a real promise of hope for the poor --both black and white --through thepoverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then camethe buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, asif it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and Iknew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies inrehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to drawmen and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, Iwas increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and toattack it as such.Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clearto me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poorat home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands tofight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of thepopulation. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by oursociety and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties inSoutheast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and EastHarlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watchingNegro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nationthat has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so wewatch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but werealize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not besilent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows outof my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years --especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate,rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails andrifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepestcompassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes mostmeaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask --and rightly so --whatabout Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasnt using massive doses ofviolence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Theirquestions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice againstthe violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearlyto the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today --my own government.For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of thehundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.For those who ask the question, ;Arent you a civil rights leader?; and therebymean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer.In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian LeadershipAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 4 of 13Conference, we chose as our motto: ;To save the soul of America.; We wereconvinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people,but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or savedfrom itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from theshackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, thatblack bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:O, yes,I say it plain,America never was America to me,And yet I swear this oath --America will be!Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for theintegrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If Americas soulbecomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must : Vietnam. It cannever be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are leddown the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America werenot enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954**[sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission--a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for ;thebrotherhood of man.; This is a calling that takes me beyond nationalallegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with themeaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me therelationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that Isometimes marvel at those who ask me why Im speaking against the war.Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men --for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and forwhite, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that myministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he diedfor them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as afaithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I notshare with them my life?And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads fromMontgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if Isimply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men thecalling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation orcreed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe thatthe Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless andoutcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deemourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeperthan nationalism and which go beyond our nations self-defined goals andpositions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victimsof our nation and for those it calls ;enemy,; for no document from humanhands can make these humans any less our brothers.And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways tounderstand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the peopleof that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of theideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of thepeople who have been living under the curse of war for almost threeAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 5 of 13continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me thatthere will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to knowthem and hear their broken cries.They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese peopleproclaimed their own independence *in 1954* --in 1945 *rather* --after acombined French and Japanese occupation and before the communistrevolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they edthe American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom,we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in itsreconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamesepeople were not y for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadlyWestern arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long.With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China --forwhom the Vietnamese have no great love --but by clearly indigenous forcesthat included some communists. For the peasants this new government meantreal land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right ofindependence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in theirabortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we weremeeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French weredefeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, butwe did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military suppliesto continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be payingalmost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reformwould come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came theed States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily dividednation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the mostvicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasantswatched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supportedtheir extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with theNorth. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by ed Statesinfluence and then by increasing numbers of ed States troops who came tohelp quell the insurgency that Diems methods had aroused. When Diem wasoverthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictatorsseemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land andpeace.The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitmentsin support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and withoutpopular support. All the while the people our leaflets and received theregular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languishunder our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy.They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathersinto concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. Theyknow they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as wepoison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep asthe bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees.They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from Americanfirepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a millionof them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of thechildren, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets likeAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 6 of 13animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food.They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for theirmothers.What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as werefuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What dothey think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germanstested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps ofEurope? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to bebuilding? Is it among these voiceless ones?We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and thevillage. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated inthe crushing of the nations only noncommunist revolutionary political force,the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasantsof Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *Soon the only solid physicalfoundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete ofthe concentration camps we call ;fortified hamlets.; The peasants may wellwonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Couldwe blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise thequestions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those whohave been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front,that strangely anonymous group we call ;VC; or ;communists;? What mustthey think of the ed States of America when they realize that we permittedthe repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as aresistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning theviolence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in ourintegrity when now we speak of ;aggression from the North; as if there werenothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we chargethem with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them withviolence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely wemust understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surelywe must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surelywe must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf theirgreatest acts.How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is lessthan twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanketname? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of theircontrol of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear y to allow nationalelections in which this highly organized political parallel government will nothave a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigonpress is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely rightto wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them,the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goalsand they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will beexcluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning tobuild on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of newviolence?Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when ithelps us to see the enemys point of view, to hear his questions, to know hisassessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basicweaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn andAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 7 of 13grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, andour mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandablemistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in WesternVietnamwords, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi arePick Yothe men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and theMemorFrench, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth andMilitarywere betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonialBid Todarmies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at www.auctremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlledbetween the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure atGeneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent electionswhich could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, Vietnamand they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not OperatExpertleap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.Laos amp;ProTeaAlso, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence ofStyle, BAmerican troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial militarywww.LUXbreach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind usthat they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies intothe South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.JesusHanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlierLovesNorth Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that noneDiscoveexisted when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as AmericaLove Fohas spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the www.4Steincreasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North.He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part oftraditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of ironycan save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking ofRefugeaggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more thanDarfur*eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.Help threfugeeAt this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few conflictminutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the Sudanarguments of those who are called ;enemy,; I am as deeply concerned about www.AidDour own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we aresubmitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goeson in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We ading cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a shortperiod there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are reallyinvolved. Before long they must know that their government has sent theminto a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realizethat we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hellfor the poor.Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child ofGod and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose landis being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is beingsubverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price ofsmashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as acitizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we havetaken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: Thegreat initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one ofAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 8 of 13them wrote these words, and I e:Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of theVietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. TheAmericans are forcing even their friends into becoming theirenemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate socarefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize thatin the process they are incurring deep psychological and politicaldefeat. The image of America will never again be the image ofrevolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence andmilitarism (une).If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the worldthat we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our waragainst the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no otheralternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game wehave decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that wemay not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have beenwrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have beendetrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in whichwe must be y to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone forour sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a haltto this tragic war.*I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should doimmediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves fromthis nightmarish conflict:Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action willcreate the atmosphere for negotiation.Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asiaby curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front hassubstantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in anymeaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam inaccordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.Part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itselfin an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under anew regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make whatreparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide themedical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, ifnecessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have acontinuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from adisgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives ifour nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared tomatch actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protestpossible.*As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify forthem our nations role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative ofAmerican Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break th... Page 9 of 13conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen bymore than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and Irecommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorableand unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to giveup their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.*These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the momentwhen our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its ownfolly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that bestsuits his convictions, but we must all protest.Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sendingus all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against thewar in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now tosay something even more disturbing.The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within theAmerican spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore thissobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing ;clergy and laymenconcerned; committees for the next generation. They will be concerned aboutGuatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia.They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will bemarching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end,unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling assons of the living God.In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him thatour nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past tenyears, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justifiedthe presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintainsocial stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary actionof American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are beingused against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beretforces have aly been active against rebels in Peru.It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy comeback to haunt us. Five years ago he said, ;Those who make peaceful revolutionimpossible will make violent revolution inevitable.; Increasingly, by choice orby accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who makepeaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and thepleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I amconvinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we asa nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidlybegin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to aperson-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives andproperty rights, are considered more important than people, the giant tripletsof racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of beingconquered.American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break ... Page 10 of 13A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness andjustice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we arecalled to play the Good Samaritan on lifes roadside, but that will be only aninitial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must betransformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbedas they make their journey on lifes highway. True compassion is more thanflinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which producesbeggars needs restructuring.A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast ofpoverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas andsee individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia,Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for thesocial betterment of the countries, and say, ;This is not just.; It will look at ouralliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, ;This is not just.;The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others andnothing to learn from them is not just.A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war,;This way of settling differences is not just.; This business of burning humanbeings with napalm, of filling our nations homes with orphans and widows, ofinjecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, ofsending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicappedand psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, andlove. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on militarydefense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead theway in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish toprevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will takeprecedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding arecalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into abrotherhood.*This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense againstcommunism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by theuse of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout warand, through their misguided passions, urge the ed States to relinquish itsparticipation in the ed Nations.* These are days which demand wiserestraint and calm reasonableness. *We must not engage in a negativeanticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing thatour greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf ofjustice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions ofpoverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed ofcommunism grows and develops.*American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break ... Page 11 of 13These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against oldsystems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world,new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefootpeople of the land are rising up as never before. The people who sat indarkness have seen a great light. We in the West must support theserevolutions.It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear ofcommunism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations thatinitiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have nowbecome the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that onlyMarxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgmentagainst our failure to make democracy real and follow through on therevolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapturethe revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaringeternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerfulcommitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, andthereby speed the day when ;every valley shall be exalted, and every mountainand hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and therough places plain.;A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyaltiesmust become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now developan overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best intheir individual societies.This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond onestribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing andunconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oftmisinterpreted concept, so ily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world asa weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for thesurvival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimentaland weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotionalbosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen asthe supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocksthe door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the firstepistle of Saint John: ;Let us love one another, for love is God. And every onethat loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth notGod, for God is love.; ;If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his loveis perfected in us.; Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar ofretaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides ofhate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals thatpursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says: ;Love is theultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against thedamning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventorymust be the hope that love is going to have the last word; (une).We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We areconfronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of lifeand history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still thethief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with alost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood --itebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time isadamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbledresidues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, ;Too late.;American Rhetoric: Martin Luther King, Jr. -- A Time to Break ... Page 12 of 13There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or ourneglect. Omar Khayyam is right: ;The moving finger writes, and having writmoves on.;VietnamCollectiWe still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. Pick YouWe must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for Memorapeace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that Militaryborders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the Bid Todwww.auctilong, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possesspower without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.RevelatNow let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, butRevealsbeautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, andIdentityour brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too Pope. Hgreat? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the The Lasforces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send Learn Bour deepest regrets? Or will there be another message --of longing, of hope, of Prophecysolidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the www.worldcost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we mustchoose in this crucial moment of human history.Jesus CAs that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:Loves YDiscoveOnce to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,Love Fowww.4SteIn the strife of Truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;Some great cause, Gods new Messiah offering each the bloom orblight, Military.95.95 aAnd the choice goes by forever twixt that darkness and that light.Shippingmatter hThough the cause of evil prosper, yet tis truth alone is strongsetswww.ShopThough her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrongYet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknownStandeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able totransform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform thejangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony ofbrotherhood.If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up theday, all over America and all over the world, when justice will rolldown like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. /201205/182148营上留村龙泉鳌山卫温泉王村田横丰城金口店集产妇建卡哪家便宜

即墨/市一医院在哪里President's Radio Address THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This week, I gave my official farewell speech to the men and women of America's Armed Forces in a ceremony at Fort Myer, Virginia. For the past eight years, I have had no higher honor than serving as the Commander-in-Chief of these brave patriots. And when Laura and I depart for Texas later this month, we will take with us many inspiring memories of the valor that we have seen these brave Americans display time and again. We saw their valor on September the 11th, 2001, in service members rushing into smoke-filled corridors to save their colleagues at the Pentagon, and in planes patrolling the skies above New York City and Washington D.C. We saw their valor in the days after that attack, when Americans crowded into recruiting centers across our country, raised their hands to serve, and pledged to defend our people and our freedom. We saw their valor in the forces who deployed to Afghanistan within weeks of 9/11, closed down the terrorist training camps, and drove the Taliban from power. We saw their valor in the fearless troops who stormed across the Iraqi desert -- and destroyed a regime that threatened America. We saw their valor in battle-tested warriors who signed up for a second, or third, or fourth tour -- and made the troop surge in Iraq that I announced two years ago today one of the great successes in American military history. America's Armed Forces have liberated more than 50 million people around the world -- and made our Nation safer. They have taken the fight to the terrorists abroad so that we have not had to face them here at home. And the world has seen something that almost no one thought possible: More than seven years after September the 11th, there has not been another terrorist attack on American soil. This is no coincidence. In addition to our military, many other Americans have worked tirelessly to ensure our safety in the years since 9/11. Law enforcement officials have worked to secure our country and remained watchful against future attacks. Intelligence analysts have tracked information that allowed us to disrupt terrorist plots before they reached our shores. And homeland security agents have worked to secure our ports, our borders, and our skies. We owe a debt of gratitude to all of these patriots. Because of their devotion to service, many Americans live their lives without the fear and uncertainty that they felt in the days just after 9/11. This continued safety has been a blessing -- but we must never allow it to foster complacency. America still faces sworn enemies intent on striking our Nation and our people. And we must remain vigilant for as long as that threat remains. I know that our men and women in uniform have remained vigilant. These Americans answer the call to defend freedom when it is under attack. They put their lives on the line to defend democracy and keep our country safe. And they inspire a Nation with their selflessness and their courage. I am proud to have served as their Commander-in-Chief. Thank you for listening. 01/60807环秀通济田横岛即墨/治疗妇科疾病多少钱 Fellow Citizens: I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate.同胞们：我再次被我的祖国召唤来履行首席执行官的职责。When the occasion proper for it shall arrive,当将来适当机会来临时，I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor,我将努力表达我对这非凡荣耀的高尚情感，and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.和统一的美国民众寄于我的信心。Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.在总统行使任何官方职责之前，宪法要求就职宣誓。This oath I am now about to take,and in your presence:在你们面前，这就是我要承诺的誓言：That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government ,在我的政府行使职务期间，I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof,如有任何明知故犯地违反已有的禁令，I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment)be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.我不但将遭受宪法的处罚，而且还将受到出席这庄严仪式的诸位的谴责。01/84135即墨/市当代医院人流收费标准

青岛市即墨/产妇做检查好吗President Obama lays out his priorities for the coming discussion about tax cuts, calling for compromise but making clear he cannot accept 0 billion in deficits or an increase in middle class taxes.Download Video: mp4 (106MB) | mp3 (3MB) 201011/117495 I stand here and have taken the high and solemn oath to which you have been audience由于美国人民业已挑选我作为这一威严权力的代表，并且从其善良的心意出发，because the people of the ed States have chosen me for this august delegation of power and have by their gracious judgment named me their leader in affairs.决定提名我主持他们的各项事务，所以你们就已经听到，我站在这里做过了崇高而庄严的宣誓。I know now what the task means. I realize to the full the responsibility which it involves.我现在懂得这一职位意味着什么，我也完全明白它所负有的责任。I pray God I may be given the wisdom and the prudence to do my duty in the true spirit of this great people.我祈求上帝赐予我智慧和审慎，使我能够按照伟大的美国人民的真正精神来履行我的职责。I am their servant and can succeed only as they sustain and guide me by their confidence and their counsel.我是他们的公仆，只有他们用信心和忠告给予我持和引导，我才能获得成功。The thing I shall count upon, the thing without which neither counsel nor action will avail, is the unity of America我所依赖的乃是美国的团结一致，也就是一个在感情、an America united in feeling, in purpose and in its vision of duty, of opportunity and of service.目标上，以及在有关义务、机会和务的观念等各个方面都团结一致的美国，舍此任何计划和行动都无济于事。We are to beware of all men who would turn the tasks and the necessities of the nation to their own private profit or use them for the building up of private power.我们要当心一切利用这些任务和国家的需要谋取个人私利的人，要提防他们借此以树立私人势力。ed alike in the conception of our duty and in the high resolve to perform it in the face of all men,我们对于自己责任的看法，以及在面对所有人履行这一责任的决心上，同样也要保持一致，let us dedicate ourselves to the great task to which we must now set our hand.让我们把自己的全副身心都投入到我们必须即刻着手的伟大任务中去吧！For myself I beg your tolerance, your countenance and your united aid.对我本人，则恳请你们给予宽谅、鼓励和齐心协力的持。The shadows that now lie dark upon our path will soon be dispelled,现在笼罩在我们道路上的层层迷雾，很快就会被驱散，and we shall walk with the light all about us if we be but true to ourselves只要我们忠于自己，忠于我们自己历来所抱的愿望，to ourselves as we have wished to be known in the counsels of the world and in the thought of all those who love liberty and justice and the right exalted.力争获得全世界的好评，力争在所有热爱自由、正义和崇高权利的人们心目中占有一席之地，我们就能够在光明的照耀之下，沿着这条道路阔步前进。02/445102青岛即墨/医院妇科地址即墨/县流产多少钱